Socialization Through Sports (Autosaved) Essays - Resocialization

Reflection Paper Dr. Mark Killian Introduction to Sociology 11 December 2017 Socialization Through Sports Throughout my life I have been socialized as an athlete. The past year, due to an injury, I was told that I will no longer be able to play softball. The hardest part about the journey so far has been the resocialization into society without having the collegiate athlete title. I never realized how many social factors were influenced by my athletic career, and how engrained softball was in my social identity. Two of the most influential factors that have shaped me are my culture, and the organizations I have been a part of. Being athletic, and playing sports were always idealized in my culture. I was raised in a very sporty family; every member of my family was an athlete at some point in their life. The values in my family were centered around academic and athletic success, a form of "nonmaterial culture" that influenced me (40). Trying to keep this status of a student athlete was very difficult for me, I had to make a lot of sacrifices. Most of the friends I had were on my sports teams, and being constantly surrounded by them swayed the way I thought and acted. We all developed a culture in which we shared common values, beliefs, norms, behaviors, and even language. Since we spent so much time together, I portrayed these shared ways of believing and of doing things. The "culture within" me showed in my everyday life, even when I was outside of games and practices (41). Softball culture includes time management, teamwork, listening to coaches, taking constructive criticism, and working hard. Softball c ulture was engrained in my everyday life, and the athlete title was associated with who I was as a person. Since I am no longer an athlete I am going through a resocialization process into a new culture. This process has been very difficult for me, it involves; not going to practices, not having to contour my schedule around softball, the way professors and classmates treat me, and even the way my family views me. It has been a "norm" for me to constantly arrange everything around softball, and to be treated as a player (50). Being treated as an athlete is difficult to explain, but it is your identity and people look at you with a sense of respect. Especially as a collegiate athlete I had to develop a relationship with my professors, which was hard since I missed classes and exams for softball. Also in my family culture, we socialize by talking about, and playing sports. I have been struggling a lot with this part of the resocialization process in particular, because I feel as if I have disappointed my family. Sometimes it is challenging trying to communicate with them because I am una ble to speak the language, and implement the gestures used by athletes (48). For example, I cannot talk about practices, other players, or the ability of our team because I am not there to experience it. Whereas usually I could have long conversations about all aspects of my culture, and now a lot of times I don't know what to talk about. The organizations I belonged to helped socialize me into an even more well-rounded athlete. I have been associated with high school softball, travel softball, collegiate softball, and student-athlete organizations. All of these "social groups shared something significant in a common," group members pushed each other to achieve goals (133). These groups were very influential and they greatly affected each person, we all wanted to be the most successful athletes. These organizations were created for athletes to grow and perfect skills. They are run by trainers who refine, teaching and helping us reach our goals. Leaders in "peer groups" such as these, demonstrate how we should act and what we should value (89). We begin to take the roles of those leading us, constantly "measuring ourselves in the roles that people see us in" (91). The members of the group can be the most persuasive, but the can only affect us as much as we let them. In my opinion, it is inevitable to be persuaded by teammates. When a teammate stays late

lasswells model of communicat essays

lasswell's model of communicat essays An Evaluation of the 2004 Philippine Election Campaign Using Lasswells Model of Communication Comparing the recent Philippine election with the past ones, one would notice the great dependence on media during the campaign of the candidates in the recent race. It seems that most candidates really knew the extent of medias influence in the outcome of the elections. Moreover, the results of the election further indicate how much media plays a part in our decisions for our country. Harold Lasswells communication model can be used to evaluate this recent event and see why some candidates prevailed and others did not. The first stage of Lasswells model, Who, seeks to explain who is in control. It would be reasonable to argue that those who were in control in the campaign period were those who won seats in the government. In relation to George Gerbners model, those who were in control were those who had access to the media. During the campaign period, TV audiences were bombarded with political advertisements, of which candidates spent millions for, especially during prime time. Because of this expensive way of campaigning, we can conclude that riches played a great part in the recent elections. Money was one way of gaining access to the media in order to reach people of different sectors. Their frequent appearances have helped them gain recognition. Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo reportedly spent P333 million while Fernando Poe Jr. used up 92.1 million. Noli de Castro was said to have spent P89.6 million while his main vice presidential rival, Loren Legarda spent P64.9 million. Another VP candidate, Herminio Aquino declared in his statement of expenditures and contributions a total of P6.58 million, way below compared to that of the other two other candidates expense. Among the senatorial bets, Manuel Mar Roxas, the candidate with the most vote...

Ensuring Collegiate Success Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Ensuring Collegiate Success - Essay Example Although many people are gifted intellectually, there are also those that lack the natural mental ability. However, this does not mean that academic success in college would be elusive for these people. There are many ways by which students' mental ability may be enhanced so as to prepare them for the rigors of college. For instance, recent study conducted by ACT, a non-profit organization that issues the widely administered college aptitude test, shows that improving reading skills is strongly correlated with academic performance in college (Brand). In this regard, students, even in the early years of schooling, may acquire the habit of reading voraciously so that they may train themselves in focusing and absorbing the voluminous reading materials they would encounter in college. Such would aid in honing their comprehension skills and would enable them to have full grasp of lessons in college. Apart from cognitive ability factors, certain personality traits also consistently predict academic performance (Ridgell & Lounsbury). This means that collegiate success is not only determined by a student's natural abilities but more so by his/her attitude about studying. As posited by Barrick and Mount, the personality traits identified that students would have to imbibe include extroversion, emotional stability, agreeableness, conscientiousness and openness to experience. These traits are dubbed as the "Big Five" (Barrick & Mount). To illustrate how the "Big Five" figures in college life, it is vital to recognize that these traits hone students' mind frame in facing academic challenges. For example, extroversion in students helps them focus their interest on people and things. This makes it easier for them to be aware of the components of their environment and facilitate learning with an outward perspective. Similarly, emotional stability makes students more adaptive as they deal with the complexities brought about by college life. Emotionally stable students are better able to cope with the ups and downs of college and remain focus on the main goal of academic accomplishment. Another relevant trait that should be emulated by college students is agreeableness. This attitude enables them to innovate and discover means by which they could make studying conditions more conducive. In this regard, students possessing this trait aim to establish good study habits. Such may include going through lessons recently taken up so that new and difficult concepts may be easily absorbed even before major exams. Furthermore, they intend to read ahead of discussions so they could actively participate in, follow lectures, and be prepared for surprise quizzes. Aside from these, conscientiousness is also deemed significant especially during college. A conscientious student exerts great effort in fulfilling course requirements. Such student, who is geared for academic success, painstakingly ensures that he/she has accomplished homework, papers and projects, among others. Note that someone, who is conscientious, is not satisfied by merely completing these requisites. This is because conscientious students go beyond simple completion of requirements, rather they strive to meet the said requirements such that above average results are obtained. Openness to experience is also important for college students to succeed

GOVERNMENT 1 Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

GOVERNMENT 1 - Essay Example Ideologies are formed by a person’s innermost beliefs, cultivated by years of thought and shaped by life’s numerous experiences. An ideological debate causes a more emotive response in individuals than does any other. Political ideologies can never die and in politically turbulent times, such as these, are very much alive. The 9-11 attacks, abortion the war in Iraq, the loss of civil liberties, global warming, health care, gay marriage, stem cell research and many other politically motivating subjects have ignited emotional ideological battles. This discussion explains the reasons for and provides examples of the current ideological fervor in the U.S. and will explain the discrepancies of a failed conservative ideology, which has been a major factor in this awakening. The tenets of Liberalism proclaim a strong conviction in democracy and belief that the constitutional authority of the people will limit a powerful, expansive government. Liberal legislative leadership, partly through necessity, has instigated steady governmental growth well beyond where the architects of the constitution and most citizens would favor. The conservative ideology is based upon their interpretation of Christian-based morality. Conservatives are against the government regulating corporations but are very much for legislation that regulates the private conduct of individuals and for advancing their religious agenda regardless of the irreparable damage to civil rights and liberties or the scientific or constitutional evidence that is contrary to their opinion. Abortion, stem cells, teaching evolution and gay marriage are preeminent examples of current ideological debates between Conservatives and Liberals. Those of a conservative ideology are against legalizing abortion. They believe it to be murder and are crusading to save babies’ lives. However,

Visual Analysis Assessment Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Visual Analysis Assessment - Assignment Example She is standing sideways with her hands akimbo. There is a telephone to the left of Mr. Clark and next to the telephone is a sculpture in the shape of a flower. . There is a table in front of Mrs. Clark with a yellow book and a vase full of lilies sitting on it. Green shutters frame the door through which a balcony is visible from behind Mr. and Mrs. Clarke. Beyond the balcony is a house and the top branches of trees are visible creating the idea that the couple were painted on the first or second floor (Hockney, 2001). There is a painting on the wall behind Mrs. Clark. The details of the painting are not very clear but one can see buildings with water on the foreground. The three-dimensional aspect of the painting creates a perspective that creates space. The painting is divided into three sections: foreground, middle and background. The foreground consists of the table, the vase, white lily flowers and the yellow book. The cat (named Percy), Mr. and Mrs. Clark, the telephone and the Indian art are placed in the middle. The background entails the outside world as seen through the open door, the paintings on the wall behind Mrs. Clark and the rest of the wall. The carpet joins the foreground with the middle ground seamlessly. Colors were creatively used to enhance perspective in the painting. The background between the couple consists of light colors that create an illusion of light from the outside coming in the room and illuminating the entire room. Darker colors have been used on Mr. Clark’s side while lighter colors have been used on Mrs. Clark’s side. There is a unique interplay of light and dark colors to Mr. Clark’s shadow, which appear lighter than the shadow created by both the telephone and the Indian sculpture. Besides, the painting can be divided into two based on the interplay between the dark and the light colors. Mr. Clark’s side of the painting is darker and is progressively lighter towards Mrs. Clark’s

Does Bureaucracy Remains The Essential Core of Public Administration in The Practice of New Public Management?

Does Bureaucracy Remains The Essential Core of Public Administration in The Practice of New Public Management? Introduction The changing role on how the government should act in order to improve and guarantee an adequate public service delivery has come to an era where the concept of New Public Management (NPM) is introduced to replace the practice of so called ‘red tape bureaucracy. The concept suggests new management techniques and practices that involving market type mechanisms related to private sector practices in order to bring changes to the management of government in making public service delivery. The reforms try to redefine the role and character of government institutions to be more market and private sector oriented. The reform efforts have been commenced first by developed countries from the late 1970s to the 1980s, and then followed by developing and transitional countries in recent years (Larbi, 2006). The economic crisis in developed countries led to the search of new ways in managing and delivering public services and redefining the states role. Similar thing also occurred to developing countries that was experiencing economic and fiscal crisis that led to the rethinking of state-led development that involving bigger size, functions, and the cost of state and its bureaucracy. The idea is how to strongly endorse the market and competition to the private and voluntary sectors and leaving the practice of strong state where everything is controlled and done by the state. However, the idea of NPM has raise a question of whether bureaucracy should still exist or, even more, would still be the essential core element of public administration. The paper will discuss about this question and find out what would be the answer. The outline of this paper will firstly discuss about the essence of bureaucracy in the practice of public administration. Afterward, it will introduce what and how does the NPM works in the practice of organising and managing public service. Finally, this paper will analyse whether bureaucracy would still be the essential core of public administration although NPM is being implemented. What Is Bureaucracy? Common citizens might just think that bureaucracy is a burden in public administration because of its inefficiency, long chain of decision making, self interest, and other bothersome reason that makes it undesirable form of administration. In the United States, public bureaucracy has gain wide scepticism and reached a high point as a major theme in the Reagan administration. The president contempt on bureaucracy was supported by public opinion polls, which had been detecting a widespread conviction that the government is wasteful and ineffective, and much of the concern aimed on public agencies and their employees as the major part of the problem (Milward and Rainey, 1983). On the contrary, there are also views that think bureaucracy in more positive term with their own evidence. For instance, merit based bureaucracy can fosters economic growth in developing countries (Evans and Rauch, 1999). It can also contribute to the effort of poverty reduction (Henderson et al, 2003). Furthermore, bureaucratic rules are considered to have a contribution in promoting democratic equality because those rules do not make differentiation of wealth and other resources among citizens that they serve. These two standpoints, negative and positive, about bureaucracy forced us to understand more about the substance of the so called â€Å"Weberian† state structures. In the view of public administration, bureaucracy means much more than those negative characteristics mentioned above because the term â€Å"bureaucracy† in serious administrative literature mentioning a general, formal structure elements of organisation, particularly government organisation (Stillman, 2000). The most comprehensive, classic formulation of the characteristics of bureaucracy was generally acknowledged as the work of a German scientist, Max Weber. He pioneered the term â€Å"bureaucracy† by saying that â€Å"bureaucracy is the normal way that legal rational authority appears in institutional form, it holds a central role in ordering and controlling modern society, also it is superior to any other form in precision, in stability, in stringency of its discipline and in its reliability†. Weber thought that bureaucracy is indispensable to maintaining civilisation in modern society. He suggested that although a lot of people are saying about the negativ e views of bureaucracy, it would be impossible to think that administrative work can be carried out in any field without the existence of officials working in offices. Weber noted three of the most important major elements of the formal structure of bureaucracy, which are the division of labour, hierarchical order, and impersonal rules. Firstly, specialisation of labour means that all work in bureaucracy should be divided into units that will be done individuals or groups of individuals that has competency in accomplishing those tasks. In other words, the specialisation of labour brings out the idea of professionalism in administrative bureaucracy. Secondly, the hierarchical order in bureaucracy that is meant to separate superiors from sub ordinates in order to recognised different authority, responsibility, and privileges. It also meant as a base for remuneration of employees and a structure that will enable a system of promotion to the employees. Thirdly, impersonal rules that form the means of a bureaucratic world. It limits the bureaucrats in any opportunities for arbitrariness and personal favouritism because their choices are restrained by l egal bureaucratic rules that provide systematic controls of sub ordinates by superiors. Those major elements of bureaucracy derived from what is known as The Weberian ideal type, which suggested four revolutional thinking in public administration. First is the concept of recruitment for the officials which is not supposed to be based on personal relationship but more to a merit based recruitment. Second is the point of view that servants should give their loyalty to the community not to individuals or groups. Third is the mentality aspect of the servants where they are pressured in improving public welfare so they have to eliminate the practice that give opportunity for rent seeking and fraud, which will inflict the public welfare. Last concept of ideal type is that employment should be subject to job performance not on political support. The Concept of New Public Management New initiatives introduce new management technique, which include not only structural changes but also attempts to change both process and roles of public sector management. Wide drafts of initiative and change processes in the UK public services have taken place since the 1980s (Ashburner et al, 1994). Furthermore, a survey conducted by the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) in early 1990s has concluded that new management techniques and practices that involving market type mechanisms associated with the private for profit sector would bring changes in countries public management that have wide governance, economic and institutional environments (OECD, 1993a). Those technique and practice changes have then being labelled as the New Public Management (NPM) or the new managerialism (Ferlie et al, 1996). The search for new management technique in public sector administration was initially forced by some occurrence that happened worldwide. The first wave for reforms came up as a result of economic and fiscal crisis, political change, and criticism on over extension of the state. The next wave for reforms were mainly because of the role of donors, improvement in information technology, and pressures of globalisation that strongly promoted competition among countries. Nevertheless, the concept of NPM still need to be clearly defined of what the new public management actually is, what made it distinct to be said of moving away from traditional public administration. The attempts to overview what kind of practice should be done in implementing NPM noted that there are at least four new public management models (Ferlie et al, 1996) that can distinguish it with the traditional public administration. The models meant to be the initial attempt to build the typology of new public management ideal types. The first model is The Efficiency Drive that known as the earliest model to emerge. It represented a model that tried to make public sector more like businesses, which is led by high importance of efficiency. It increased attention to financial control, extension of audit, deregulation of the labour market, empowerment of less bureaucratic and more entrepreneurial management, and a greater role for non public sector providers. This first model of NPM sees public sector as a problem not solution because it was wasteful, over bureaucratic, and underperformed. The second model is Downsizing and Decentralisation on the management of public sector organisations. This model implemented some general organisational change, which include staff downsizing, increased contracting out, and increased decentralisation strategy. The model tried to represent public sector in facing issues about their replacement with the market. The third one called In Search of Excellence that had strong highlight on organisational culture. It define NPM as techniques and practices in shaping public sector organisational culture by promoting and forming values, rites, and symbols to show people how to behave at work. The fourth and last model called Public Service Orientation. This model tried to combine private and public sector management ideas by adopting private sector practices. It takes ideas from the private sector to be applied in the public sector organisation. The rise of Total Quality Management in order to achieve excellence in public service deliveries can be noted as one of the implementation for this model. Overall, there seems to be only two core elements that exist in the concept of NPM. The first one is managerialism and the other one is marketisation and competition (Osborne and Gaebler, 1992). Managerialism includes the practice of decentralisation of authority, devolving budget and financial control, delayering and downsizing public sector organisations, implementing performance management, and forming executive agencies to do specific tasks in public services. While marketisation and competition stressed on the practice of contracting out, charging for public services, focusing on quality, and changing employment relationship. Larbi (2006) also mentioned those two core elements in a detailed table, which is also adapted from Hood (1991). However, the market type mechanisms associated with private for profit sector, which is the life blood of NPM, also have a challenge to answer that what if the market fails. It comes to another perspective of NPM in anticipating market failure, which is regulating. The idea is quite paradox because if we discuss about new public management reform, usually it will talk about de-regulation and not re-regulation, but the state has to face the reality that the market will not always succeed. This where regulation is meant to, being an instrument to impose outcomes which would not be reached by the operation of free market forces and private legal rights (Ogus, 1994). Regulation meant to make the market works more efficient or make the monopoly provider to operate as if there were a competition. Nevertheless, the practice of how to regulate has also been an interesting topic of whether in the form of state control or on the basis of giving incentives. Where Bureaucracy Stands In the New Public Management? After reviewing the definition of bureaucracy and the practice of new public management, we have to answer two questions that arise in the beginning of this paper. The first question is whether bureaucracy would still exist in the implementation of NPM or otherwise should be abolish at all. The second question, as continuation from the first one if the result is yes, where does it stand in the NPM, would it supposed to be the core elements too? The answer for the first question supposed to be yes, bureaucracy would still exists despite the emerging implementation on New Public Management. There are at least two reasons that can explain why bureaucracy will still exist. First of all, Weber suggested that bureaucracy can serve any master. This is in the meaning of whatever the form of a government, whether it is an authoritarian or democratic, bureaucracy would still be relevant. The facts that can be seen as evidence is what happened around the mid-1990s where ideas derived from neo-liberal economics began to falter as policy guides to economic development. A number of processes and events were responsible for this. The World Bank (1993, 1997) finally began to recognize the positive role that states could play. It became clear that the concept of the minimal state had theoretical flaws and led to policies that could be shattering for growth, most visibly in Eastern Europe (Henderson, 1998). Nevertheless, the Washington Cons ensus came under pressure as a consequence of inappropriate policy responses to the East Asian economic crisis (Chang, 2001). The recent writing by Chang (2002) revealed that the now developed world, including its most neo-liberal exponents, Britain and the United States did not pursue free market policies as their roads to riches, seems destined to advance this process. The second reason is the Weberian perspective actually does not negate the positive effects of strengthening market institutions, but it does postulate that bureaucratically structured public organizations, using their own distinct set of decision making procedures, are a necessary complement to market based institutional arrangements (Evans and Rauch, 1999). Then the second question, what about its significance in the NPM. More precisely, would it still be the core element in the practice of NPM. There are some arguments that we can use to answer this question. As noted before, Weber argued that public administrative organisations, which are characterised by meritocratic recruitment and a predictable long term career rewards, will be more effective at facilitating capitalist growth than other forms of state organisation. This hypothesis certainly cannot be dismissed just because of the fact that people who call themselves bureaucrats have engaged in rent seeking and fraud activity, or that corrupt governments have undermined economic growth (Evans and Rauch, 1999). Henderson et al (2003) explained in their paper that meritocratic recruitment can be expected to lead to organisational effectiveness because of several reasons. Firstly, it can ensures that staff has, at the very least, a minimal level of competency to fulfil job requirements. Secondly, it tends to encourage organisational coherence and an organisational spirit, where it is expected that this will eventually help to raise the motivation of staff. Finally, higher levels of identification with colleagues and the organisation help to raise the levels of shared norms and increase the intangible costs of engaging in corrupt practices. Moreover, bureaucracies that offer rewarding long term careers have greater possibility to perform well because it encourages more competent people to join the organisation, which, in turn, further increases organisational coherence and makes attempts to conduct corrupt practices by individuals will be less attractive because the costs of being found out ar e very high. Another argument comes from an empirical study, which is written by Evans and Rauch (1999), to test the significant correlation between bureaucratic effects of the Weberian State Structure with economic growth. Evans and Rauch constructed a â€Å"Weberianness Scale† that tried to measure the degree to which core state agencies in various countries were characterised by meritocratic recruitment and offered rewarding long term careers. After that, they compute the scores on the scale for 35 semi industrial and poor countries. Then, they analysed the correlation of these scores to the total growth of real GDP per capita in those countries from 1970 to 1990, and found out that there is a strong and significant correlation between the â€Å"Weberianness Scale† score and economic growth on those respective countries. Furthermore, they also analysed and concluded that the East Asian countries, which have higher â€Å"Weberianness Scale† score and economic growth than A frican countries, has demonstrated a high performing key institutional element of the scale that resulted in economic growth. Almost similar arguments also came from James Tobin, the winner of Nobel Prize for Economics in 1981. He observed that the rapid growth of the public sector in the United States had actually accompanied the greatest economic advances of any country in history, and that he knows of no evidence that government spending and growth are responsible for current economic difficulties. These arguments should at least give us a hint that bureaucracy would remains to be the core element in public administration. Conclusion Critiques about inefficient, red tape, and waste bureaucracy has raise an idea to abolish and make it as minimum as it can in order to provide and improve public welfare. This has lead to the concept of making business-like public sector, where it is assumed that the practice will bring goodness to public welfare. However, it has been revealed that the oversimplified calls on business-like public sector, which impose free market approach, have eventually being falter. This has made some modification on the practice of New Public Management. Some arguments have shown that bureaucracy should remains as the core element in the practice of NPM. It is required not just to anticipate market failures but also to make sure that the market, especially for monopolistic public service, would feel that there is a competition, through establishing sets of regulations. Moreover, empirical study has proved that the role of bureaucracy is actually significant for the economic growth. Thus, there are strong reasons not just to put bureaucracy in the practice of NPM, but also make it as an essential part of the New Public Management.

Censorship of the Internet :: Argumentative Persuasive Essays

Censorship of the Internet The censorship of the Internet is a big argument today in the world of computer technology. The government is trying to control something that is to many people an extension of the First Amendment Right, Freedom of Speech. Just this one point should be a slap in the face of every American anywhere, because the government is trying to take something away that has no right to be taken away. The Bill of Rights is the foundation that our country is based and built on and now the government that was created to protect that Bill of Rights, that piece that declares our rights and freedoms, is trying to change one of those twelve rights to make some conservative people more happy about how our country is and how it is run. The world is so concerned today with the petty things that are being done that they do not look to the larger picture of what is actually happening. The government is trying to censor something that they created over thirty years ago to possible send information much more harmful to humanity than pornographic materials or information on how to create bombs that do not work. The Internet was created over thirty years ago by the military for a alternative means of communications other than telephones communications in case of a nuclear strike by the Russians that rendered our great country basically helpless, this previous Internet went under such names as ARPANET, MILNET, and other acronyms similar to these. This great idea by scholars was next adopted by very well known colleges of the United States to provide a quick means of communications and data transfer, such as research information transfer or transcript transfer, between the students and college professors of diff erent city and state colleges. Some of the first colleges that took that great step into this new unknown frontier were CALTECH, MIT, Harvard, and other great prestigious colleges of the United States. During this time period of the Internet the government had no problem at all with what was happening. The colleges were putting large amounts of information on the Internet so other scholars could observe and comment on ongoing experiments, and the government was happy with the large computer network they created for their own personal dastardly deeds.

John Boehner

I. Personal Background A. Family 1. Birth place 2. Born November 17, 1949 to Mary Anne and Earl Henry Boehner 3. Married to Debbie Boehner; B. Education 1. Boehner attended Cincinnati's Moeller High School and was a Linebacker on the school's football team 2. Graduating from Moeller in 1968 3. Boehner enlisted in the United States Navy but was administratively separated after eight weeks because of a bad back. 4. He earned his B. A. In Business Administration from Xavier University in 1977 . Shortly after his graduation in 1977, Boehner accepted a position with Nucite Sales, a small sales business in the packaging and plastics industry. II. Political Influences & Development A. Political Influences 1. Newt Gingrich a. Republican lawmaker & Engineer 2. Dick Gephardt B. Political Development 1. From 1995 to 1999, Boehner served as House Republican Conference Chairman which is the party caucus for Republicans in the United States House of Representatives 2.During his time as Conference Chairman, Boehner championed the Freedom To Fact Act that, among other provisions, revises and simplifies direct payment programs for crops and eliminates milk price supports through direct government purchases. 3. In 1998, Boehner was ousted as the chairman of the House Republican Conference, after his party lost five congressional seats. III. Contributions & Writings A. Media Attention 1. During his freshman year, Boehner was a member of the Gand Of Seven which was involved in bringing media attention to the House banking scandal. B.Boehner & Senator Ted Kennedy authored the passage of â€Å"No Child Left Behind Act of 2001† 1. Was signed by President Goerge W. Bush. In 2002. 2. Boehner said that it was his â€Å"proudest achievement† in two decades of public service. 3. Boehner was friends with Kennedy, also a Roman Catholic, and every year they chaired fundraisers for cash-strapped Catholic schools. IV. Political Achievements A. In an upset, Boehner was elected by his colleagues to serve as House Majority Leader on February 2, 2006. 1. The election followed Tom DeLay's resignation from the post after being indicted on criminal charges.B. Boehner campaigned as a reform candidate who wanted to reform the so-called â€Å"earmark† process and rein in government spending 1. He defeated Majority Whip Roy Blunt from Missouri Representative John Shadegg of Arizona. C. After the Republicans lost control of the House in the 2006 elections, the House Republican Conference chose Boehner as Minority Leader. 1. As such, he was the Republican nominee for Speaker in 2006 and 2008. V. Personal Conclusion 1. Speaker Boehner 1. Speaker of the House. 2. Congressmen John Boehner 1. John Boehner, part of Congress.

Civil Disobedience and Antigone Essay

Martin Luther King Jr.’s â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech focuses on the importance of freedom and brotherhood in a nation and is intended to rally Americans to demonstrate their anger at the injustices of segregation and racism through â€Å"creative protest.† While King’s passion and anger at the status quo is obvious in the text, he specifically states that they â€Å"must not allow [their] [protest] to degenerate into physical violence.† He is pushing for defiance against the government. Antigone exhibits the same kind of defiance when she goes against Creon’s law and completes her brother’s burial rites. Antigone, like Martin Luther King Jr., was faced with conflicting obligations; the obligation of a citizen to follow the law, and personal obligation to fight what one feels is wrong. A theme appears in both texts that one’s morals are more important than the law of the land. Antigone sacrificed her life to complete what she felt needed to be completed based on her religious beliefs. King dedicated his life to obtaining freedom for black people in America and was eventually killed for what he believed in, linking the two. If Sophocles and Martin Luther King Jr. were to have a conversation, the two would most certainly agree on some things. Both would agree that one must follow their heart and fight things they feel must be changed. They would agree that one must not stand idly by as injustice takes place, such as segregation or the body of one’s brother left to rot above the ground. While Antigone is not a central figure in a civil rights movement, she does exhibit civil disobedience, bridging the â€Å"I Have a Dream† speech and Antigone.

Biography of Alvaro Obregón Salido, Mexican President

Biography of Alvaro Obregà ³n Salido, Mexican President Alvaro Obregà ³n Salido (February 19, 1880–July 17, 1928) was a Mexican farmer, general, president, and one of the key players in the Mexican Revolution. He rose to power because of his military brilliance and because he was the last of the Revolutions â€Å"Big Four† still alive after 1923: Pancho Villa, Emiliano Zapata, and Venustiano Carranza had all been assassinated. Many historians consider his election as president in 1920 to be the end point of the Revolution, although the violence continued afterward. Fast Facts: Alvaro Obregà ³n Salido Known For:  Farmer, general in the Mexican Revolution, president of MexicoAlso Known As:  Alvaro Obregà ³nBorn:  February 19, 1880 in Huatabampo, Sonora, MexicoParents: Francisco Obregà ³n and Cenobia SalidoDied:  July 17, 1928, just outside Mexico City, MexicoEducation: Elementary educationSpouse: Refugio Urrea, Marà ­a Claudia Tapia MonteverdeChildren: 6 Early Life Alvaro Obregà ³n was born in Huatabampo, Sonora, Mexico. His father Francisco Obregà ³n had lost much of the family wealth when he backed Emperor Maximilian over Benito Jurez during the  French Intervention in Mexico in the 1860s. Francisco died when Alvaro was an infant, so Alvaro was raised by his mother Cenobia Salido. The family had very little money but shared a supportive home life and most of Alvaros siblings became schoolteachers. Alvaro was a hard worker and had the reputation of being a local genius. Although he had to drop out of school, he taught himself many skills, including photography and carpentry. As a young man, he saved enough to buy a failing chickpea farm and turned it into a very profitable endeavor. Alvaro next invented a chickpea harvester, which he began to manufacture and sell to other farmers. Latecomer to the Revolution Unlike most of the other important figures of the Mexican Revolution, Obregà ³n did not oppose dictator Porfirio Dà ­az early on. Obregà ³n watched the early stages of the Revolution from the sidelines in Sonora and, once he had joined, Revolutionaries often accused him of being an opportunistic latecomer. By the time Obregà ³n became a Revolutionary, Dà ­az had been ousted, the Revolutions chief instigator Francisco I. Madero was president, and the Revolutionary warlords and factions were already beginning to turn on one another. The violence among the Revolutionary factions was to last more than 10 years, in what was to be a constant succession of temporary alliances and betrayals. Early Military Success Obregà ³n became involved in 1912, two years into the Revolution, on behalf of President Francisco I. Madero, who was fighting the army of Maderos former Revolutionary ally Pascual Orozco in the north. Obregà ³n recruited a force of some 300 soldiers and joined the command of General Agustà ­n Sangines. The general, impressed by the clever young Sonoran, quickly promoted him to colonel. Obregà ³n defeated a force of Orozquistas at the Battle of San Joaquà ­n under General Josà © Inà ©s Salazar. Shortly thereafter Orozco fled to the United States, leaving his forces in disarray. Obregà ³n returned to his chickpea farm. Obregà ³n Against Huerta When Madero was deposed and executed by Victoriano Huerta in February of 1913, Obregà ³n once again took up arms, this time against the new dictator and his federal forces. Obregà ³n offered his services to the government of the State of Sonora. Obregà ³n proved himself to be a very skilled general and his army captured towns from the federal forces all over Sonora. His ranks swelled with recruits and deserting federal soldiers and by the summer of 1913, Obregà ³n was the most important military figure in Sonora. Obregà ³n Joins With Carranza When Revolutionary leader Venustiano Carranzas battered army straggled into Sonora, Obregà ³n welcomed them. For this, First Chief Carranza made Obregà ³n supreme military commander of all Revolutionary forces in the northwest in September 1913. Obregà ³n didnt know what to make of Carranza, a long-bearded patriarch who had boldly appointed himself First Chief of the Revolution. Obregà ³n saw, however, that Carranza had skills and connections that he did not possess, and he decided to ally himself with â€Å"the bearded one.† This was a savvy move for both of them, as the Carranza-Obregà ³n alliance defeated first Huerta and then Pancho Villa and Emiliano Zapata before disintegrating in 1920. Obregà ³ns Skills and Ingenuity Obregà ³n was a skilled negotiator and diplomat. He was even able to recruit rebellious Yaqui Indians, assuring them that he would work to give them back their land. They became valuable troops for his army. He proved his military skill countless times, devastating Huertas forces wherever he found them. During the lull in the fighting in the winter of 1913–1914, Obregà ³n modernized his army, importing techniques from recent conflicts such as the Boer Wars. He was a pioneer in the use of trenches, barbed wire, and foxholes. In mid-1914, Obregà ³n purchased airplanes from the United States and used them to attack federal forces and gunboats. This was one of the first uses of airplanes for warfare and it was very effective, although somewhat impractical at the time. Victory Over Huertas Federal Army On June 23, Villas army annihilated Huertas federal army at the Battle of Zacatecas. Out of some 12,000 federal troops in Zacatecas that morning, only about 300 staggered into neighboring Aguascalientes over the next couple of days. Desperately wanting to beat competing Revolutionary Pancho Villa to Mexico City, Obregà ³n routed the federal troops at the Battle of Orendain and captured Guadalajara on July 8. Surrounded, Huerta resigned on July 15, and Obregà ³n beat Villa to the gates of Mexico City, which he took for Carranza on August 11. Obregà ³n Meets With Pancho Villa With Huerta gone, it was up to the victors to try and put Mexico back together. Obregà ³n visited Pancho Villa on two occasions in August and September 1914, but Villa caught the Sonoran scheming behind his back and held Obregà ³n for a few days, threatening to execute him. He eventually let Obregà ³n go, but the incident convinced Obregà ³n that Villa was a loose cannon who needed to be eliminated. Obregà ³n returned to Mexico City and renewed his alliance with Carranza. The Convention of Aguascalientes In October, the victorious authors of the Revolution against Huerta met at the Convention of Aguascalientes. There were 57 generals and 95  officers  in attendance. Villa, Carranza, and Emiliano Zapata sent representatives, but Obregà ³n came personally. The convention lasted about a month and was very chaotic. Carranzas representatives insisted on nothing less than absolute power for the bearded one and refused to budge. Zapatas people insisted that the convention accept the radical land reform of the Plan of Ayala. Villas delegation was comprised of men whose personal goals were often conflicting, and although they were willing to compromise for peace, they reported that Villa would never accept Carranza as president. Obregà ³n Wins and Carranza Loses Obregà ³n was the big winner at the convention. As the only one of the â€Å"big four† to show up, he had the chance to meet the officers of his rivals. Many of these officers were impressed by the clever, self-effacing Sonoran. These officers retained their positive image of him even when some of them fought him later. Some joined him immediately. The big loser was Carranza because the Convention eventually voted to remove him as First Chief of the Revolution. The convention elected Eulalio Gutià ©rrez as president, who told Carranza to resign. Carranza refused and Gutià ©rrez declared him a rebel. Gutià ©rrez placed Pancho Villa in charge of defeating him, a duty Villa was eager to perform. Obregà ³n had gone to the Convention truly hoping for a compromise acceptable to everyone and an end to the bloodshed. He was now forced to choose between Carranza and Villa. He chose  Carranza and took many of the convention delegates with him. Obregà ³n Against Villa Carranza shrewdly sent Obregà ³n after Villa. Obregà ³n was his best general and the only one capable of beating the powerful Villa. Moreover, Carranza cunningly knew that there was a possibility that Obregà ³n himself could fall in the battle, which would remove one of Carranzas more formidable rivals for power. In early 1915, Villas forces, divided up under different generals, dominated the north. In April, Obregà ³n, now commanding the best of the federal forces, moved to meet Villa, digging in outside the town of Celaya. The Battle of Celaya Villa took the bait and attacked Obregà ³n, who had dug trenches and placed machine guns. Villa responded with one of the old-fashioned cavalry charges which had won him so many battles early in the Revolution. Obregà ³ns modern machine guns, entrenched  soldiers,  and barbed wire halted Villas horsemen. The battle raged for two days before Villa was driven back. He attacked again a week later, and the results were even more devastating. In the end, Obregà ³n completely routed Villa at the Battle of Celaya. The Battles of Trinidad and Agua Prieta Giving chase, Obregà ³n caught up to Villa once again at Trinidad. The Battle of Trinidad lasted 38 days and claimed thousands of lives on both sides. One additional casualty was Obregà ³ns right arm, which was severed above the elbow by an artillery shell. Surgeons barely managed to save his life. Trinidad was another major victory for Obregà ³n. Villa, his army in tatters, retreated to Sonora, where forces loyal to Carranza defeated him at the battle of Agua Prieta. By the end of 1915, Villas once-proud Division of the North was in ruins. The soldiers  had scattered, the generals had retired or defected, and Villa himself had gone back into the mountains with only a few hundred men. Obregà ³n and Carranza With the threat of Villa all but gone, Obregà ³n assumed the post of minister of war in Carranzas cabinet. While he was outwardly loyal to Carranza, Obregà ³n was still very ambitious. As minister of war, he attempted to modernize the army and took part in defeating the same rebellious Yaqui Indians who had supported him earlier in the Revolution. In early 1917, the new constitution was ratified and Carranza was elected president. Obregà ³n retired once again to his  chickpea  ranch  but kept a close eye on events in Mexico City. He stayed out of Carranzas way, but with the understanding that Obregà ³n would be the next president of Mexico. Prosperity and a Return to Politics With the clever, hard-working Obregà ³n back in charge, his ranch and businesses flourished. Obregà ³n branched out into mining and an import-export business. He employed more than 1,500 workers and was well-liked and respected in Sonora and elsewhere. In June 1919, Obregà ³n announced that he would run for president in the 1920 elections. Carranza, who did not personally like nor trust Obregà ³n, immediately began working against him. Carranza claimed that he thought Mexico should have a civilian president, not a military one. He had in fact already picked his own successor, Ignacio Bonillas. Obregà ³n Against Carranza Carranza had made a huge mistake by reneging on his informal deal with Obregà ³n, who had kept his side of the bargain and stayed out of Carranzas way from 1917–1919. Obregà ³ns candidacy immediately drew support from important sectors of society. The military loved Obregà ³n, as did the middle class (whom he represented) and the poor (who had been betrayed by Carranza). He was also popular with intellectuals like Josà © Vasconcelos, who saw him as the one man with the clout and charisma to bring peace to Mexico. Carranza then made a second tactical error. He decided to fight the swelling tide of pro-Obregà ³n sentiment and stripped Obregà ³n of his military rank. The majority of people in Mexico saw this act as petty, ungrateful, and purely political. The situation got increasingly tense and reminded some observers of the pre-Revolution Mexico of 1910. An old,  stolid  politician was refusing to allow a fair election, challenged by a younger man with new ideas. Carranza decided that he could never beat Obregà ³n in an election and he ordered the army to attack. Obregà ³n quickly raised an army in Sonora even as other generals around the nation defected to his cause. The Revolution Ends Carranza, desperate to get to Veracruz where he could rally his support, departed Mexico City in a train loaded with gold, advisors, and sycophants. Quickly, forces loyal to Obregà ³n attacked the train, forcing the party to flee overland. Carranza and a handful of survivors of the so-called â€Å"Golden Train† accepted sanctuary in May 1920 at the town of Tlaxcalantongo from local warlord Rodolfo Herrera. Herrera betrayed Carranza, shooting and killing him and his closest advisers as they slept in a tent. Herrera, who had switched alliances to Obregà ³n, was put on trial but acquitted. With Carranza gone, Adolfo de la Huerta became provisional  president  and brokered a peace deal with the resurgent Villa. When the deal was formalized (over Obregà ³ns objections) the Mexican Revolution was officially over. Obregà ³n was easily elected president in September 1920. First Presidency Obregà ³n proved to be an able president. He continued making peace with those who had fought against him in the  Revolution  and instituted land and education reforms. He also cultivated ties with the United States and did much to restore Mexicos shattered economy, including rebuilding the oil industry. Obregà ³n still feared Villa, however, who was newly retired in the north. Villa was the one man who could still raise an army large enough to defeat Obregà ³ns federales. Obregà ³n  had him assassinated  in 1923. More Conflict The peace of the first part of Obregà ³ns presidency was shattered in 1923, however, when Adolfo de la Huerta decided to run for president in 1924. Obregà ³n favored Plutarco Elà ­as Calles. The two factions went to war, and Obregà ³n and Calles destroyed de la Huertas faction. They were beaten militarily and many officers and leaders were executed, including several important former friends and allies of Obregà ³n. De la Huerta was forced into exile. All opposition crushed, Calles easily won the presidency. Obregà ³n once more retired to his ranch. Second Presidency In 1927, Obregà ³n decided he wanted to be president once again. Congress cleared the way for him to do so legally and he began to campaign. Although the military still supported him, he had lost the support of the common man as well as the intellectuals, who saw him as a ruthless monster. The Catholic Church also opposed him, since Obregà ³n was violently anti-clerical. Obregà ³n would not be denied, however. His two opponents were General Arnulfo Gà ³mez and an old personal friend and brother-in-arms, Francisco Serrano. When they plotted to have him arrested, he ordered their capture and sent them both to the firing squad. The nations leaders were thoroughly intimidated by Obregà ³n; many  thought he  had gone mad. Death In July 1928, Obregà ³n was declared president for a four-year term. But his second presidency was to be very short indeed. On July 17, 1928, a Catholic fanatic named Josà © de Leà ³n Toral assassinated Obregà ³n just outside of Mexico City. Toral was executed a few days later. Legacy Obregà ³n may have arrived late to the Mexican Revolution, but by its end he had made his way to the top, becoming the most powerful man in Mexico. As a Revolutionary warlord, historians deem him to be neither the cruelest nor the most humane. He was, most agree, clearly the most clever and effective. Obregà ³n created lasting impacts on Mexican history with the important decisions he made while in the field. Had he sided with Villa instead of Carranza after the Convention of Aguascalientes, todays Mexico could well be quite different. Obregà ³ns presidency was remarkably split. He at first used the time to bring some much-needed peace and reform to Mexico. Then he himself shattered the same peace he had created with his tyrannical obsession to get his own successor elected and, finally, to return to power personally. His governing ability did not match his military skills. Mexico would not get the clear-headed leadership that it desperately needed until 10 years later, with the administration of President  Lzaro Crdenas. In Mexican lore, Obregà ³n is not beloved like Villa, idolized like Zapata, or despised like Huerta. Today, most Mexicans understand Obregà ³n as the man who came out on top after the Revolution simply because he outlasted the others. This assessment overlooks how much skill, cunning, and brutality he used to assure that he survived. The rise to power of this brilliant and charismatic general can be attributed to both his ruthlessness and his unmatched effectiveness. Sources Buchenau, Jà ¼rgen. The Last Caudillo: Alvaro Obregà ³n and the Mexican Revolution. Wiley-Blackwell, 2011.McLynn,  Frank. Villa and Zapata: A History of the Mexican Revolution.  Carroll and Graf, 2000.

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